Still life of a manual handbook for the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act with a stethoscope and prescription medication bottle. The manual is open to the title page, The open enrollment of the Affordable Care Act of the United States offers a health insurance program for all the U.S. citizens across the country.
By Stacy M. Brown
Black Press USA Senior National Correspondent
The battles over the Affordable Care Act were never only about policy or the price of insurance. They were never simply arguments about federal subsidies, individual mandates, or the markets that hold the system together. From the moment America elected a Black president and that president dared to place the health of the poor and the marginalized at the center of national law, a deeper truth rose to the surface. That truth has followed the country for centuries. It was waiting for its next target. The target became Barack Obama. The instrument became Obamacare.
Long before Republicans vowed to “repeal and replace,” the lines were already drawn. The same forces that spent years questioning Obama’s citizenship, intellect, and legitimacy turned their fury toward the most expansive health care protections in generations. Black lawmakers and health equity advocates understood the stakes. They had spent years shaping the Affordable Care Act so it would cut into the country’s long trail of racial health disparities. Daniel Dawes, a leading figure in that fight, stated that the ACA was “the most comprehensive minority health law” in United States history and identified sixty-two provisions that “directly address inequities in health care.”
The law carried the fingerprints of the people who fought for it. For African Americans who had faced a lifetime of inequitable access, predatory pricing, and the cruel arithmetic of race and illness, the ACA was a rare affirmation. Obama spoke about it using language palatable to a country still clinging to the mythology of a post-racial nation, but the communities that long suffered under the weight of indifferent systems knew exactly what the law meant.
The backlash knew it, too.
Republican attacks intensified the moment the bill became law, but the pursuit of its destruction began before a single vote was cast. It followed the same path as the claims that Obama was not born in the United States. It echoed the same insistence that he was foreign, illegitimate, clever enough to reach the White House only through something other than talent or discipline. It came from the same places that insisted affirmative action must explain the achievements of a man who graduated from Columbia University and Harvard Law School.
Trump nurtured those claims for years, and he used them as a launchpad for his political identity. He became the chief promoter of birtherism. As The Independent reported, Trump spent years asserting that Obama was secretly born in Kenya and that he only ended the crusade when confronted with the long-form birth certificate. But even then, he would not release his grip. At the White House Correspondents Dinner in 2011, Obama addressed the conspiracy with biting precision, noting that Trump could “finally get back to the issues that matter.” Footage from the event captured Trump staring ahead as the audience laughed. Those close to him have said that night marked the moment he decided to run for president.
The resentment did not fade. According to Michael Cohen’s memoir, Trump held “hatred and contempt” for Obama and even hired a man who resembled the 44th president so he could “ritualistically belittle the first Black president and then fired him.”
Trump continued his public fixation, calling Obama “the most ignorant president in our history” and declaring that he “founded ISIS.” He accused Obama of wiretapping him. He mocked him repeatedly, even years after leaving office. The Independent documented that Trump “repeatedly called Obama a jerk” and continued to attack him at rallies.
This hostility toward Obama cannot be separated from the fury directed at the ACA. Obamacare became a symbol of something beyond policy. It became a symbol of a Black man’s authorship over the nation’s moral priorities. In a country still wrestling with its stitched-in contradictions, the ACA represented a rebuke of the belief that the poor must earn their right to live. It dared to reduce disparities. It dared to remove barriers. It dared to place humanity above profit.
Republicans answered year after year with votes to dismantle it. They drafted lawsuits aimed at wiping it from the books. They promised its end during the campaigns. Not once have they produced a plan that meets or exceeds its reach.
Politico, academic researchers, and public opinion studies have all shown that the hostility toward Obamacare has remained strongest among groups where resentment of Obama himself was strongest. The Kaiser Family Foundation’s polling showed that support for ACA tax credits drops sharply among Republican and MAGA voters, even as the same benefits remain popular when described without Obama’s connection. These conflicting responses reveal a political truth that is not accidental. It is structural.
The hatred of Obama and the hatred of Obamacare live in the same house.
The ACA confronted the very inequalities that race created. It attempted to relieve the burden placed on Black Americans by centuries of withheld care and denied treatment. It reduced racial gaps in health insurance coverage. It expanded Medicaid in states willing to accept it. It forced the country to look directly at disparities instead of treating them as the natural order.
Those gains came from a president who carried the weight of history and the expectations of a community often ignored until the moment it becomes politically convenient. Obama knew the country he led. He knew the contradictions. He once noted that if he had a son, “he’d look like Trayvon,” and the words drew a fiery response. Every policy he touched carried the shadow of race, whether he said so publicly or not. A nation that has never resolved its fear of Black advancement reacted the only way it knows. It tried to destroy the work because it could not destroy the man.
Republicans continue their assault on the Affordable Care Act, not because the law failed but because the law succeeded. It made the country fairer. It made the poor healthier. It gave millions access to care they had long been denied. And it stands as evidence that a Black president changed the material conditions of people who were never meant to be served.
One of the clearest explanations still comes from Daniel Dawes, who called the ACA “the most inclusive health law” in American history. He said, “It directly addresses inequities in health care.”
The law did exactly what its creators set out to do. The fight against it did too.